Varieties of
English
All
languages exhibit a great deal of internal variation. That is to say each
language exists in a number of varieties. Nevertheless, what is meant by a
variety of a language? Wardhaugh define it as “a specific set of linguistic
items” or “human speech patterns (sounds, words, grammatical features) which
can be associated with some external factor (geographical area or a social
group) (Wardhaugh, 1986: 22). A language itself can be viewed as a variety of
the human languages.
A
member of a speech community need not have communicative competence in just one
speech variety. He could be competent in a number of them. This claim does not
seem so hard to accept when we consider that speech varieties, after all, need
not mean what is generally interpreted as ‘language’. A speech variety could be
a national language but it could also refer to a geographical or a social
dialect (sociolect) or specialized varieties such as register, style, and
speech levels, etc). The range of linguistic varieties which the speaker has at
his disposal is referred to as a speech repertoire (John T. Plat and H.K. Plat,
1975: 33).
In
the discussion of speech varieties the concept of domain is of importance as it
signifies the class of situation within which a certain speech variety is used.
A domain is also referred to as ‘ a social situation’ as the implementation of
the rights and duties of a particular role relationship in the place most
appropriate or most typical for that relationship, and at the time societally
defined as appropriate for that relationship (John T. Plat and H.K. Plat, 1975
: 36). The domains may refer to those of home, school, employment, mosque, etc)
Such
terms as language, standard language, dialect, style, speech level, register,
pidgin, Creole are referred to as varieties of the language. In this relation,
Fishman states that each language variety can be identified its sound systems,
vocabularies, grammatical features, and meaning (Fishman, 1972:5).
Language and Dialect
Every
language is a composite of dialects. Banjarese language comprises, at least,
two dialects: Banjar Hulu and Banjar Kuala dialects. Although we may not say
that one dialect is better than that of another, there is an assumption that
one of the dialects is regarded as a prestigious one. It seems that Banjar
Kuala dialect is viewed as the prestigious dialect. This assumption is based on
the fact that a speaker of Banjar Hulu dialect feels ashamed when using his
dialect in the environment of Banjar Kuala speech community. Moreover, the
speakers of Banjar Kuala dialect often laugh at those who speak in Banjar Hulua
dialect. Furthermore, Javanese language is often divided into some dialects:
Surabaya, Solo-Yogya, Banyumas dialects. Solo-Yogya dialect is viewed as the
prestigious pne.
The
prestigious dialect is often referred to as one that is used by political
leaders and the upper socioeconomic classes; it is the dialect used for
literature or printed documents; it is taught in the schools; it is used by the
military; and it is propagated by the mass media. When a dialect is regarded as
a prestigious one, it is often identified as a dominant dialect. This type of
dialect is often called the standard dialect. London dialect is the most
dominant one in English speech community ( Fromkin and Rodman, 1978 : 258).
In
a speech community, there must be, what we call, standard dialect, namely, a
dialect that is used by many speakers of the speech community. In Indonesia, we
recognize, what is called by, Bahasa Indonesia Baku. In England, British
English speech communities determine, what they call, Received Pronunciation
(RP). In States Sates, English American speech communities introduce what we
know as, Standard American English (SAE). A dialect taught to nonnative
speakers is a standard one.
Geographical Dialect and Sociolect
Language
variety can be in the form of dialect that is divided again into geographical,
social, age, gender, belief, ethnic, race dialects. (Poedjosoedarmo, 1975).
Geographical or regional dialects are usually speech varieties pertaining to a
particular local region (Pratt). Wardhaugh (1986) states: “Geographical or
regional variation in the way a language is spoken is likely to be one of the
most noticeable ways in which we observe variety in language. When we travel
throughout a wide geographical area in which a language is spoken, and particularly
if that language has been spoken in that area for many hundreds of years, we
are almost certain to notice differences in pronunciation, in the choices and
forms of words, and in syntax. There may even be very distinctive local
colorings in the language that we notice as we move from one location to
another. Such distinctive varieties are usually called regional or geographical
dialects of the language.”
These
develop as different norms arise in the usage of groups who are separated by
some kind of geographic boundary. This is commonly in vocabulary (Troike and
Blackwell, 82-83); whereas sociolects are speech varieties that signal social
status and educational background (Pratt).
With
reference to dialect, Trudgill have a notion that in Language, there are two
dialects: regional (geographical) and social dialects (14). The former refers
to one which is determined by the area from which the speakers come from. In
Banjarese Language, for example, we have known the dialects of Banjar Hulu and
Banjar Kuala; in Javanese, for example, we have known the dialects of Javanese
language of Surabaya, Yogyakarta, Banyumas, and the others. Social dialect
refers to the dialect that is formed based on social levels from which they
come from: high, middle, and lower social classes.
Styles
The
term style refers to a language variety that is divided based on speech or
speaking situation into formal and informal styles. We can speak very formally
or very informally; our choice of the styles is governed by circumstances.
Ceremonial occasions almost require very formal speech; public lectures are
somewhat less formal; casual conversation is quite informal; and conversation
between intimates on matters of little importance may be extremely informal and
casual. We may try to relate the level of formality chosen to a number of
factors: (1) the kind of occasion, (2) the various social, age, and other
differences that exist between the participants, (3) the particular task that
is involved, e.g., writing or speaking, and (4) the emotional involvement of
one or more of the participants (Wardhaugh, 48).
In
relation to formality in a speech act, Trudgill states: “Formality is not, in
fact, something which is easy to define with any degree of precision, largely
because it subsumes very many factors including familiarity,
kinship-relationship, politeness, seriousness, and so on, but most people have
a good idea of the relative formality of particular linguistic variants in
their own language” (1974:110)
Register
Varieties
of language which are more closely associated with setting or scene in which
they are used that with the people who are using them are usually included in
the concept of register, and distinguished from one another primarily on the
dimension of relative formality (Troike and Blackwell).
The
physical setting of an event may call for the use a different variety of
language even when the same general purpose is being served, and when the same
participants are involved. English greeting forms may differ inside a building
versus outside and between participants at differing distances from one
another.
This
kind of language variety is based on specialty of language use. Register is one
complicating factor in any study of language varieties. Registers are sets of
vocabulary items associated with discrete occupational or social groups.
Surgeons, airline pilots, bank managers, sales clerk, jazz fans, and pimps use
different vocabularies. One person may control a number of registers.
Trudgill
explains that the occupational situation will produce a distinct linguistic
variety. Occupational linguistic varieties of this sort have been termed
registers, and are likely to occur in any situation involving members of a
particular profession or occupation. The language of law, for example, is
different from the language of medicine, which in turn is different from the
language of engineering- and so on. Registers are usually characterized solely
by vocabulary differences; neither by the use of particular words, or by the
use of words in a particular sense (1974:104).
Speech levels
Speech
levels (of Javanese language) which are divided into: honorific speech levels
(krama madya and krama inggil) and non-respective speech levels (ngoko). In
this relation, Soepomo Poedjosoedarmo explains that speech levels (of Javanese
language) are also referred to as codes. The speech levels have special
characteristics according to the speakers’ social background, the relationship
to their listeners, and the speech situation (1975:30). In this relation,
Clifford Geertz discusses in the frame of linguistic etiquette. As stated
before, in Javanese language we recognize the complicated speech levels. By
speech levels are language varieties in which the differences from one to
another are determined by the differences of etiquette existing in a speaker and
his listener. Those speech levels are ngoko, krama madya, and krama inggil
(Geertz, 1960). Each speech level has its own vocabulary, morpho-syntactic
rules, and phonology (Poedjosoedarmo, 1979:3-8).
Elaborated Code and Restricted Code
The
codes that are used based on the sake of communication can be divided into
elaborated code and restricted code. The elaborated code contents complete
sentences and fulfil grammatical rules. The speeches are stated clearly; and
the change of one sentence to another seems to be logic. Whereas, the
restricted code contents short and incomplete sentences; they are only
understood by the participants. The other persons sometimes cannot capture the
meaning of speeches. This is because the speeches are often influenced by
non-linguistic factors at the time and place where the speech events happen.
The language used in the informal situation among close friends, the same
members of the family, is represented in the short forms.
Bacillus
Bernstein, a professor of Educational Sociology at University of London,
conducted a research on the codes used in the two different kinds of family:
positional-oriented family and person-oriented family. The elaborated code,
according to the professor, is generally used in formal situation such as a
formal debate or an academic discussion. While the restricted code is generally
used in an informal situation (Trudgill, 1974:51-52).
Lingua Franca : Pidgin and Creole
A
lingua franca is defined as ‘a language which is used habitually by people
whose mother tongues are different in order to facilitate communication
between.’ A variety of other terms can be found which describe much the same
phenomenon. That is to say that a lingua franca may refer to a trade language,
a contact language, an international language (Wardhaugh, 55-56).
A
lingua franca is needed in many areas of the world populated by people speaking
divergent languages. In such areas, where groups desire social or commercial
communication, one language is often used by common agreement (Fromkin and
Rodman, 1978 : 267).
The
lingua francas may be spoken in the various ways. They are not only spoken
differently in different places, but individual speakers varied widely in their
ability to use the languages. English serves today as a lingua franca in many
parts of the world: for some speakers it is a native language, for others a
second language, and for still other a foreign language (Wardhaugh, 56). In the
past time, Bahasa Melayu was used as a lingua franca in Indonesian archipelago.
Banjarese language may be used as a lingua franca by its nonnative speakers in
South Kalimantan; it may be used by Wong Jowo (Javenese people) when
communicating with Oreng Madure (Madurese people) in one of the markets in
Banjarmasin, South Kalimantan.
A
pidgin is a language with no native speakers: it is no one’s first language but
it is a contact language. That is, it is the product of a multilingual
situation in which those who wish to communicate must find or improvise a
simple code to enable them to do so. A pidgin is sometimes regarded as a
‘reduced’ variety of a ‘normal’ language, with simplification of the grammar
and vocabulary of that language, considerable phonological variation, and an
admixture of local vocabulary to meet the special needs of the contact groups
(Wardhaugh, 1986: 56).
Although
a pidgin is reduced variety of a normal language, it is not devoid of grammar.
The phonological system is rule-governed. The inventory of phonemes is
generally small, and each phoneme may have many allophonic pronunciations
(Fromkin and Rodman, 1978: 269).
When
a pidgin comes to be adopted by a community as its native tongue, and children
learn it as a first language, that language is called a creole. That is to say
that the pidgin has been creolized. Creoles are more fully developed than
pidgins, generally having more lexical items and a broader array of grammatical
distinctions. In time, they become languages as complete in every way as other
languages. In this relation, we may say that first of all, Bahasa Melayu had
been regarded as a pidgin, namely, a variety of language with no native
speakers in Indonesian archipelago; it was, then, adopted as Bahasa Persatuan
(unifying language) called Bahasa Indonesia. After being adopted as Indonesian
community, it has been learnt by Indonesian people as native language. At
present, there are native speakers of the language.
Conclusion
In
a monolingual speech community, varieties of a given language may be dialects,
speech levels, styles, or other varieties of the language. A monolingual
speaker having only one language may use his language with some varieties of
the language: dialects, styles, or speech levels.
In
multilingual speech community, some languages together with their variations
become parts of language varieties in the community. Therefore, we can say that
varieties of language may refer to a single language and its varieties such as
dialect, register, style, speech levels, etc.
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